Global Health Governance and the Commercial Sector: A Documentary Analysis of Tobacco Company Strategies to Influence the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control


Background:
In successfully negotiating the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), the World Health Organization (WHO) has led a significant innovation in global health governance, helping to transform international tobacco control. This article provides the first comprehensive review of the diverse campaign initiated by transnational tobacco corporations (TTCs) to try to undermine the proposed convention.

Methods and Findings:
The article is primarily based on an analysis of internal tobacco industry documents made public through litigation, triangulated with data from official documentation relating to the FCTC process and websites of relevant organisations. It is also informed by a comprehensive review of previous studies concerning tobacco industry efforts to influence the FCTC. The findings demonstrate that the industry's strategic response to the proposed WHO convention was two-fold. First, arguments and frames were developed to challenge the FCTC, including: claiming there would be damaging economic consequences; depicting tobacco control as an agenda promoted by high-income countries; alleging the treaty conflicted with trade agreements, “good governance,” and national sovereignty; questioning WHO's mandate; claiming the FCTC would set a precedent for issues beyond tobacco; and presenting corporate social responsibility (CSR) as an alternative. Second, multiple tactics were employed to promote and increase the impact of these arguments, including: directly targeting FCTC delegations and relevant political actors, enlisting diverse allies (e.g., mass media outlets and scientists), and using stakeholder consultation to delay decisions and secure industry participation.

Conclusions:
TTCs' efforts to undermine the FCTC were comprehensive, demonstrating the global application of tactics that TTCs have previously been found to have employed nationally and further included arguments against the FCTC as a key initiative in global health governance. Awareness of these strategies can help guard against industry efforts to disrupt the implementation of the FCTC and support the development of future, comparable initiatives in global health.

: Please see later in the article for the Editors' Summary


Published in the journal: . PLoS Med 9(6): e32767. doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1001249
Category: Research Article
doi: 10.1371/journal.pmed.1001249

Summary

Background:
In successfully negotiating the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), the World Health Organization (WHO) has led a significant innovation in global health governance, helping to transform international tobacco control. This article provides the first comprehensive review of the diverse campaign initiated by transnational tobacco corporations (TTCs) to try to undermine the proposed convention.

Methods and Findings:
The article is primarily based on an analysis of internal tobacco industry documents made public through litigation, triangulated with data from official documentation relating to the FCTC process and websites of relevant organisations. It is also informed by a comprehensive review of previous studies concerning tobacco industry efforts to influence the FCTC. The findings demonstrate that the industry's strategic response to the proposed WHO convention was two-fold. First, arguments and frames were developed to challenge the FCTC, including: claiming there would be damaging economic consequences; depicting tobacco control as an agenda promoted by high-income countries; alleging the treaty conflicted with trade agreements, “good governance,” and national sovereignty; questioning WHO's mandate; claiming the FCTC would set a precedent for issues beyond tobacco; and presenting corporate social responsibility (CSR) as an alternative. Second, multiple tactics were employed to promote and increase the impact of these arguments, including: directly targeting FCTC delegations and relevant political actors, enlisting diverse allies (e.g., mass media outlets and scientists), and using stakeholder consultation to delay decisions and secure industry participation.

Conclusions:
TTCs' efforts to undermine the FCTC were comprehensive, demonstrating the global application of tactics that TTCs have previously been found to have employed nationally and further included arguments against the FCTC as a key initiative in global health governance. Awareness of these strategies can help guard against industry efforts to disrupt the implementation of the FCTC and support the development of future, comparable initiatives in global health.

: Please see later in the article for the Editors' Summary

Introduction

The WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), the first international public health treaty initiated by the World Health Organization (WHO), arguably represents the most significant tobacco control initiative to date and has been central to WHO's efforts to reestablish its strategic significance. The treaty constitutes a landmark in global health governance [1], characterised by complex “worldwide transboundary interactions” and a recognition that global health is shaped by international organisations, corporations, philanthropists, and civil society, as well as nation states [2],[3] and marks an ambitious and innovative response to the global tobacco epidemic.

In their drive to maximise shareholder value and global tobacco consumption, transnational tobacco corporations (TTCs) have been described as a “vector” of this epidemic [4]. Research to date has revealed a variety of tactics designed to help TTCs achieve their goals, including efforts to limit the FCTC's impact. Articles focusing on TTCs' influence on the FCTC have, however, principally focused on country- or issue-specific case studies and on documenting specific tactics. In contrast, this paper provides the first comprehensive review of TTCs' use of global-level tactics to undermine the development of the FCTC. The findings will enhance understanding of obstacles to the effective implementation of FCTC measures and to the negotiation of FCTC protocols, and make a contribution to both the development of future tobacco control initiatives and any comparable global initiatives in related health issues [5],[6],[7]. The paper will inform ongoing debates about the role of corporations in health policy development and global governance, particularly in terms of international agencies' responses to the global burden of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) [8].

Methods

This paper is based on analysis of previously confidential tobacco industry documents made publicly available through litigation in the United States and is informed by a comprehensive review of the existing literature concerning TTCs' strategies to influence the FCTC. Online searches of the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library (http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu) were conducted between May 2008 and February 2009 to identify relevant documents. Preliminary searches focused on broad terms (e.g. “Framework Convention on Tobacco Control”, “FCTC” and “WHO Convention”), which informed more specific searches (for particular names, issues, and events). Searches were undertaken in English (the language in which the majority of the documents are written) and German (reflecting Germany's reputation as a key tobacco industry ally [9]). In total, over 4,500 documents were reviewed, of which 1,366 documents were deemed relevant. These documents were analysed in detail and indexed using EndNote. This paper draws on a selection of these (84 from British American Tobacco [BAT], 28 from Philip Morris [PM], five from RJ Reynolds, and two from Brown and Williamson).

A qualitative, hermeneutic methodology was employed to analyse the documents [10],[11], and the thematic coding framework was developed inductively (employing two major categories and multiple subcategories). Alongside the thematic analysis, the documents were organised chronologically to construct a historical narrative. This analysis was contextualised with additional data from the websites of industry, consultancy, and other organizations cited in the documents and official FCTC documentation. Official documentation from the negotiations was accessed via the WHO FCTC website (http://www.who.int/fctc/en/) and was supplemented by reports from 45 Framework Convention Alliance (FCA) Bulletins, published at the sessions of the International Negotiation Body (INB) (http://www.fctc.org/).

Regarding the comprehensive review of the existing published literature concerning tobacco industry efforts to influence FCTC negotiations, systematic searches were conducted using the search terms “Framework convention on tobacco control” OR (FCTC AND tobacco) between November 2011 and January 2012 in the following databases: Global Health (CABI, 172 hits), PubMed (140 hits), Web of Knowledge (119 hits), the Centre for Tobacco Control Research and Education's e-scholarship website (http://escholarship.org/uc/ctcre) (96 hits), Applied Social Sciences Index and Abstracts (ASSIA, 50 hits), and the International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS, 13 hits). A total of 590 articles were retrieved. All abstracts were checked and duplicates were excluded. Of these, 154 articles were deemed potentially relevant, so full versions were accessed to allow a detailed review. Relevant articles were selected according to the following inclusion criteria: written in English, informed by empirical research (i.e., not just opinion pieces), and focused on tobacco industry tactics and arguments to influence the FCTC. These criteria were met by 34 articles. The results from this review provided background and comparative information for our documentary analysis and are drawn on in both the results and the discussion.

The methodological approach of the study was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of the University of Bath's School for Health.

Results

Our literature review identified 12 country-specific case studies showing, for example, how TTCs tried to use their influence on German politicians to weaken the FCTC [12], cooperated with the Japanese delegation [13], and managed to obstruct the implementation of the FCTC in Argentina [14]. A further 22 studies focused on the pursuit of specific tactics, e.g., the development of voluntary regulation [15] or the use of consultancies [16]. Only ten articles were based on primary research. Many of the studies identified through this review recognised that the tactics described existed within a broader comprehensive global industry strategy to undermine the FCTC negotiations [12],[15],[17],[18], but none sought to address the complexity of such a strategy. Hence, this paper represents the first comprehensive analysis of the extent of TTCs' tactics to influence the FCTC.

Our documentary analysis revealed that all major TTCs were considerably alarmed about the FCTC from its initiation [19],[20],[21],[22] and recognised the need to respond comprehensively [23],[24],[25],[26],[27]. This reflected concern about the scope of the convention, the “breathtaking” [22] progression of developments, and their potential catalytic effects on national and regional tobacco control regulation [22]. Having rapidly identified the proposed convention as an “unprecedented challenge to the tobacco industry's freedom to continue doing business” [19], it is unsurprising that TTCs responded aggressively to this use of WHO's constitutional authority. The account below focuses particularly on BAT's strategy to counter the FCTC, reflecting the balance of available documents, BAT's self-proclaimed status as the most international tobacco group [28], and the company's strengths in developing countries, where industry interests were perceived as most threatened by the initiative [29].

The Results section is divided into two subsections which outline the frames and tactics TTCs employed in an FCTC context, respectively. Both sections focus primarily on the documentary data, but the findings from the literature review are incorporated into Tables 1 and 2 and are drawn on in the textual discussion where relevant. As it would be impossible to describe all of the activities relating to each strategy within one paper, the following sections use examples to illustrate the frames and tactics identified.

Tab. 1. Tobacco industry frames to influence the FCTC.
Tobacco industry frames to influence the FCTC.

Tab. 2. Tobacco industry tactics to influence the FCTC.
Tobacco industry tactics to influence the FCTC.

(A) Attempts to frame debates and develop argumentation against the FCTC

The concept of “framing” describes a strategy based on generating beliefs and ideas that provide a framework for thinking about an issue [30],[31]. Policy frames have been described as a “weapon of advocacy” [32],[117] which, when successfully applied, can be crucial in shaping policy [33]. Schattenschneider [34] argues that the definition of political issues and potential solutions determines who is involved in the policy process and shapes both the organisation of interests and the formation of coalitions and alliances. Our searches showed that numerous potential ways of framing debates around tobacco control and international regulation were explored by TTCs. We, however, identified eight core frames that were used in relation to the FCTC negotiations, which sometimes overlap and are mutually reinforcing, but nevertheless exhibit distinctive features. These eight frames are outlined in the following list. A further six frames were identified in our comprehensive literature review of publications relating to the FCTC. All 14 frames are presented in Table 1 and returned to in the Discussion.

(1) Economic impacts: Alleging damaging economic consequences of the FCTC.

In 1999, a World Bank report demonstrated that economic fears of tobacco control legislation having negative impacts were largely unfounded, and that tobacco control policies would benefit most national economies [35]. The World Bank backed the FCTC initiative and encouraged governments to employ comprehensive strategies to curb the epidemic [35]. Nevertheless, the tobacco industry adopted arguments predicting the FCTC would cause economic harm, including via lost wages for tobacco farmers, reduced employment opportunities (particularly in rural areas), and lost tobacco crop revenue. Such arguments had already been used to counter national tobacco control initiatives [14],[36] but were now reiterated to raise concerns about the FCTC with specific member states, including Italy, Greece and Turkey, Brazil, Argentina, Zimbabwe, India, and Russia [37],[38],[39]. It was alleged that the FCTC would be particularly detrimental to tobacco growing in developing countries. A key role in promoting such arguments was played by the International Tobacco Growers Association (ITGA) [19], which was formed by TTCs [40], served on several occasions as a frontgroup for TTCs [41],[42],[43] and still receives funding from PM, BAT, and Imperial Tobacco International [44]. The ITGA proclaimed a need to “take into account the very real impact of [the FCTC] upon farms, their families, communities and national economies” [45] and, in cooperation with Europe's International Union of Tobacco Growers (UNITAB), depicted the FCTC as an “initiative which can have desastrous [sic] consequences for millions of people in the world, who depend on tobacco growing for their living” [46].

In an attempt to highlight the FCTC's alleged economic impacts, BAT tried to alert national governments “to the costs of a WHO tobacco police state” [47], suggesting that international organisations can “take on a life of their own, demanding (and sometimes wasting) large contributions from taxpayers” [48] and imposing bureaucratic [48] and other “new burdens on governments” [49].

(2) Developing countries: Depicting tobacco as a high-income country issue.

Notwithstanding the rapidly escalating health and economic burdens of tobacco use in developing countries [50], this industry frame depicted tobacco control as an issue primarily of concern to high-income countries. A key architect of this frame was Roger Bate, an economist of long-standing tobacco industry affiliation [51],[52],[53] and founder of the European Science and Environmental Forum (ESEF), a think-tank that the tobacco industry sought to establish as a “scare watchdog” [54] and use to raise debates about scientific evidence [51],[54],[55]. Bate suggested assembling academics working on malaria to “create tensions between LDCs [less-developed countries] and OECD countries and between public health [i.e. communicable diseases] and environment [including non-communicable diseases]” [56]. He argued that “we can divide our opponents and win” by showing them “where their alleged allies are harming their cause” [56]. Bate's suggestions were positively received at PM [57]. A 1999 book entitled “Environmental Health: Third World Problems - First World Preoccupations” by Bate and Lorraine Mooney, an ESEF colleague, argued that communicable diseases were the primary health problem confronting developing countries and therefore the most appropriate focus for WHO [58]. Bate disseminated these claims via the international media, including in a letter to the Financial Times in October 2000 (coinciding with the opening of formal FCTC negotiations), in which he claimed that the FCTC would undermine “the sovereignty of nations” and called on “national governments to reject the Convention in its current form” [59].

Such arguments allowed TTCs to portray the FCTC as a neocolonial initiative that would benefit richer nations at the expense of poorer ones. For example, BAT's then-chairman, Martin Broughton, used a speech at the 1999 World Economic Forum to redirect public attention to what he termed the “real issues in the developing world like malnutrition, sanitation and infant mortality” [60]. Similarly, the German Cigarette Manufacturers Association, the Verband der Cigarettenindustrie (VdC), issued a press statement alleging that WHO's work towards the convention demonstrated “disrespect for the real needs of the poor of this world” [61].

(3) Trade: Claiming conflicts with trade agreements.

TTCs also sought to depict the proposed FCTC as inconsistent with obligations under existing international agreements, notably those of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Such arguments were central to negotiations, and tensions between public health and trade policies were widely discussed by academics, advocates, and officials [62],[63],[64]. Academics argued that FCTC measures could be adopted without impacting on free trade rules [65], and a joint report by WTO and WHO in 2002 highlighted that none of the FCTC proposals were “inherently WTO-inconsistent” [66]. Nevertheless, TTCs and the VdC commissioned multiple legal analyses of the issue [67],[68],[69],[70] to support their claims that conflicts between FCTC proposals and existing international trade agreements existed (the contents of these analyses have largely been withheld from public disclosure on the basis of attorney-client privilege) [71]. Internal PM correspondence shows that PM commissioned the law firm Beveridge and Diamond to “prepare a memorandum focusing on the potential trade policy implications of the Convention [assessing] recent Conventions in other arenas and identify[ing] instances where WTO or other trade principles created both jurisdictional and substantive conflicts” [69]. A letter to Andreas Vecchiet (BAT International Political Affairs Manager) from Crowell & Moring International, an international policy and regulatory affairs consulting firm, suggests BAT could adopt a similar strategic approach to manage trade issues [67]. The firm suggested an analysis of “the extent to which the proposed Framework will raise inconsistencies with countries' WTO obligations” and offered to help BAT to develop “strategies to engage trade and agricultural officials” in the FCTC negotiations [67]. BAT subsequently argued that FCTC proposals would violate international trade laws [72],[73], a position supported by German trade and industry associations [74]. The company contracted the public affairs firm Prisma to draft “short and fairly basic” briefing papers to be “used by ministers (and officials)” which would claim that “WHO provisions contravene articles X, Y and Z of the WTO” [70].

(4) WHO's mandate: Questioning WHO's mandate to develop a tobacco control treaty.

TTCs questioned WHO's authority and competence to develop a legally binding international treaty, claiming that tobacco was “not a ‘cross-border’ problem” [24] and so should not be dealt with at a global level [23]. Although two legal analyses commissioned by BAT acknowledged that WHO was competent to negotiate a tobacco control convention [76],[77], the company continued to raise questions about WHO's mandate [23]. In a September 1998 correspondence with PM Vice President of corporate affairs, David Greenberg, Bate successfully proposed a series of papers to frame debates around WHO's inadequate priority setting [56]. Similarly, an analysis by the legal consultancy firm Rowe and Maw, possibly intended for publication at a conference on international health policy [104], portrayed several FCTC proposals as extending “well beyond the core areas of authority contemplated by the WHO constitution, raising legal issues of whether measures taken under the auspices of the WHO […] are within the powers of the WHO” [75]. BAT further obtained an analysis of policy implications that could be raised by countries wanting to dispute WHO's authority [78].

(5) Good governance: Alleging conflicts with principles of good governance.

A variation on questioning WHO's mandate was to attack the FCTC process as infringing principles of “good governance” and “sensible regulation” [23]. BAT used these terms to signify the company's preferred mix of nonbinding national agreements and voluntary measures [79] and to promote policymaking frameworks which drew attention to business interests [80],[81]. The company used this frame to claim that tobacco industry representatives were being unfairly excluded from FCTC negotiations [19],[39],[82],[83], and alleged that this “unprecedented failure to consult” [84] was contrary to “good public policy formation” [23], neglected some expert opinions and facilitated biased discussions [78].

(6) Sovereignty: Alleging conflicts with national sovereignty.

BAT also depicted WHO, an international organisation, as essentially undemocratic [25] and representing a transfer of power to “unaccountable and remote elites” [24], and described the FCTC as a “one-size-fits-all” approach [72], which was “bound to fail” [75]. This was contrasted against national legislation, which was depicted as carefully developed and locally sensitive [75]. BAT sought to persuade WHO member states that the FCTC would infringe their sovereign rights to legislate in areas of tobacco control [23]. Accordingly, BAT's legal department, in cooperation with the international law firm August and Debouzy [85], analysed national constitutions to identify conflicts with the FCTC [86] and subsequently sought to convince governments that ratifying such a treaty could restrict options for national legislation [38],[84],[87].

(7) Corporate social responsibility (CSR): Presenting CSR as an alternative to a convention.

In line with their broader emphasis on CSR [88],[89],[90], TTCs sought to present themselves as responsible corporate citizens throughout the FCTC process. Such attempts were intended to achieve three main aims: (i) to raise the companies' profile [91],[92]; (ii) to facilitate access to relevant policymakers and discussions by improving their perceived credibility [15],[93],[94]; and (iii) to avoid strong and binding legislation by presenting self-regulation as an effective alternative [15]. These aims were promoted via diverse CSR initiatives, including a conference on eliminating child labour in tobacco-growing countries organized by BAT, ITGA, and the International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers' Associations (IUF). The conference was designed to enhance the “ITGA's relationship in the UN arena” [94] and increase BAT's “recognition as a responsible company” [95],[96]. The ITGA also publicised grower-funded programmes to combat AIDS in Africa, hoping to advance the developing countries frame, refocus attention on other health issues, and discredit WHO [91]. TTCs also collaborated in developing a global voluntary code on youth smoking prevention which was intended to be an alternative to the FCTC [15].

The use of CSR initiatives and voluntary measures aimed to position TTCs as credible and legitimate stakeholders who merited inclusion in discussions [90]. Industry documents indicate that TTCs used commitments to voluntary measures to demonstrate a willingness to “participate constructively” [97] in international health policy [25],[72],[98],[99]. While such approaches seem to have had some success in terms of positioning TTCs as legitimate stakeholders in national policy debates [90], available documents do not indicate that they had a substantive impact on international FCTC negotiations.

(8) Precedent: Depicting the FCTC as setting a precedent for other areas.

BAT also sought to expand the “threat” posed by the FCTC beyond tobacco, depicting the convention as part of broader, “worrying anti-business trends that many companies have identified within the UN and multi-lateral system” [100]. BAT claimed the FCTC could set a dangerous precedent for other industries [101] and that, in developing the FCTC, the WHO was “acting as the world's ‘super nanny’” [102]. TTCs further sought to emphasize the potential ramifications of such an instrument based in international law for other industries [101],[103]. In February 2000, Rowe and Maw advised BAT “to expand the scope of the debate to cover other industries […] and to raise the debate to a higher level of generality” [103]. They suggested holding a conference on international health policy to debate the WHO's mandate (WHO's mandate frame) and its impact on national sovereignty in the regulation of alcohol, tobacco, and pharmaceuticals (sovereignty frame) [104]. A memo in March 2001, by BAT's Nicola Shears (formerly of the UK department of trade and industry [105]), suggests this tactic may have met with some success, as it reported that “other sectors are watching the WHO's activity with increasing concern over the WHO's apparent enthusiasm to become the ‘global health police’” [101].

(B) Strategic efforts

TTCs also employed tactics to actively influence the development of the FCTC, including efforts to effectively disseminate the frames and arguments outlined above. We identified five such tactics in our documentary analysis, each of which is outlined below and a further five tactics in our comprehensive literature review of publications relating to the FCTC. All ten tactics are outlined in Table 2.

(1) Targeting national FCTC delegations and political actors. TTCs targeted the political actors involved in the international FCTC negotiations, making a particular effort to target actors perceived to be both powerful and amenable to tobacco industry positions. An analysis conducted for PM by Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin (MBD), a consultancy firm with longstanding links to PM [16], adopted a classification by Porter et al. [106], categorising national governments' position in relation to the FCTC as “lead states,” “supporting states,” “swing states,” and “veto or agenda weakening states” [107]. TTCs subsequently directed their efforts to states identified as amenable to industry arguments [21],[108],[109], agreeing that “homing in on specific governments […] and regions” [110] was necessary to “[m]aintain and enhance activities of key governments” [111]. Within Europe, PM initially identified Germany, Denmark, Turkey, and France as potentially supportive [112] but, following intense industry lobbying, the German [12],[113], Spanish [114], Turkish [115],[116], and Russian [117] delegations seemed to emerge as the most useful allies. BAT documents repeatedly mention these four states as “key countries” [118],[119],[120] that could help raise concerns about the FCTC [108].

Building on various frames (e.g., developing countries and trade), TTCs hoped to create conflicts between delegations by exploiting varying national interests and mobilising supportive governments to “facilitate coalitions of like-minded countries” in opposition to the FCTC [111]. MBD noted that “proposals can be surfaced which assist many developing countries but which seriously harm others. Resolution of such issues is time consuming and often embittering” [107]. Documents indicate that efforts to create controversy between delegations [107],[121] may have had some impact on the conduct of FCTC negotiations [122],[123],[124],[125], with Germany and Russia playing prominent roles in these debates. Germany reportedly exerted influence on European and Latin American countries to weaken the FCTC [12], while Russia was seen as capable of influencing other former Soviet Union countries and of building an alliance with China [126]. During the discussions of the INB, both Russia and Turkey rejected suggested measures to give the FCTC precedence over trade agreements in the event of conflicts arising [123],[127].

TTCs also sought to stimulate inter-ministerial conflicts within governments [12] by encouraging the involvement of economic, justice, and trade ministries [38],[128],[129] as well as health ministries [120]. This tactic, previously used to influence national and regional tobacco control [14],[130],[131], aimed to promote less-stringent, voluntary agreements as viable alternatives to the convention. Within TTCs, this approach was viewed as successful in the UK [108], Germany [12], and Japan [13],[132] and as an effective strategy to deflect debates and decisions at supra- and international levels [12].

A related tactic was to push national governments to implement weak legislation, in an effort to preempt more stringent regulation arising from FCTC ratification. Preemption measures apparently met with some success in Mexico [133] and Argentina [14],[134]. In Argentina, two resolutions were passed following lobbying by the Argentinean tobacco industry [14] that ensured that no international treaty could be signed which would regulate local tobacco production and consumption [134]. While Argentina signed the FCTC on 25 September 2003, it has yet to ratify the treaty.

(2) Use of scientists. TTCs engaged scientists to advance their arguments and frames, an established industry tactic designed to shape scientific discourse and public opinion [17],[43],[131],[135],[136]. In December 1999, Beveridge and Diamond identified the assessment of the “possible role of industry experts and academic/policy fora to shape substantive debate” as one action that PM could take with regard to the FCTC [137]. PM intended to use scientists and other experts to support several of the frames outlined above: tensions with national sovereignty (sovereignty frame), the economic importance of tobacco (economic impacts frame) [26], and the primacy of other health priorities (developing countries frame) [56]. The ITGA targeted academics who could be persuaded to focus on health issues in developing countries (developing countries frame) [138] and proposed a conference in the UK to discuss the socioeconomic importance of tobacco (economic impacts frame) [139]. Roger Scruton, a British conservative philosopher, was commissioned by Japan Tobacco to denounce international bureaucracy, with a specific focus on the FCTC (good governance frame) [140],[141],[142], and TTCs hired academics to counter the World Bank's work and to disseminate research on the FCTC's allegedly detrimental economic consequences (economic impacts frame) [17].

(3) Enlisting and mobilising allies. Conscious of their own declining credibility [90], TTCs attempted to engage the support of diverse allies from other industry sectors, industry associations, international agencies, and several front groups to lend credibility to the frames and arguments outlined in section A above.

Enabling “credible third part[ies]” to support the campaign against the Tobacco Free Initiative was seen as essential [139] by PM, since such third parties could “be more aggressive in opposing [the] FCTC” [26]. One rationale for cooperation amongst TTCs was to maximise their ability to mobilise non-tobacco allies [111]. Conflicts did, however, emerge between PM and the other companies [62], as PM publicly presented itself as a responsible company broadly sympathetic to the FCTC [98],[143], whilst the other TTCs remained firmly opposed. Indeed, PM's above-mentioned tactic of enlisting allies who could militantly oppose the convention is particularly striking, as it highlights the discrepancy between the company's public statements (in which PM emphasised “common ground” with WHO, public health officials, and proponents of the FCTC [98],[143]) and its covert actions.

Other industry sectors: TTCs' cooperation with retailers [113],[144],[145],[146],[147], and with hospitality [147], advertising [111] and duty-free [148] industries ensured that the FCTC was attacked from diverse quarters and perspectives. BAT, for example, collaborated with international duty-free interest representatives (including travel associations and airports) [111] and advertising associations, using established allies like the International Advertising Association (IAA) [120]. Both sectors made submissions to the FCTC public hearings with, for instance, the German Duty Free Confederation reiterating tobacco industry positions [12],[149],[150]. The IAA [151] and the German Advertising Foundation [152] argued that a comprehensive advertising ban would violate freedom of speech, be unconstitutional, infringe human rights, and threaten competition [151],[152]. A submission by the Advertising Council of Russia, prepared by BAT Russia [153], also alleged detrimental economic impacts (economic impacts frame) [154].

Umbrella business organisations: BAT also anticipated benefits from working with organisations representing broader business interests, such as the Russian national trade association [153] and the Union of Industrial and Employers' Confederations of Europe (UNICE, now rebranded BusinessEurope) [70], with whom BAT had previously collaborated to achieve regulatory change in the EU [81]. BAT attached particular significance to encouraging the International Chambers of Commerce (ICC) to voice concerns (see Box 1).

Box 1. BAT and the ICC

In autumn 1999, Broughton accepted an invitation to join the ICC UK Governing Body [223]. In its invitation, the ICC noted that they had past experience of supporting tobacco companies in the fight against tobacco control [224]. BAT believed the ICC provided “a neutral platform,” which would enable BAT “to access key stakeholders in the UK and internationally” [225]. The ICC's status as “a truly global body representative of industry views” facilitated engagement in debates and lobbying activities at an international level [223], including in the WTO [225]. In the context of the FCTC, the ICC was perceived to be an “an important stakeholder which we can really leverage if we get it right” [226]. BAT hoped that the ICC would act as the “business and industry's ears” in FCTC negotiations [227], monitoring and reporting on its behalf [101]. In an April 2001 meeting with the ICC Secretary General, Maria Cattaui, Broughton tried to raise “the ICC's awareness of the increasingly influential reach of the WHO” [101] and persuade the ICC to seek consultative status from the UN so as to represent corporate interests at the negotiations. A follow-up letter to this meeting suggested that BAT hoped that the ICC could facilitate its engagement with other organisations:

“One of the difficulties we face is a lack of awareness of the responsible face of the tobacco industry. We are working hard to address this situation and I would be interested to know if there are any opportunities for me, or other company members, to represent the ICC in dialogue with multilateral agencies.” [12],[100]

BAT reports show that the company enjoyed high-level access to ICC and illustrate BAT's hopes to impact the ICC's agenda in the context of the FCTC [100],[228].

Trade unions and other political actors: TTCs also sought to mobilise organisations that would appear more independent of the corporate sector and the tobacco industry, including consumer groups [120], scientific think-tanks [111], and trade unions [111],[113],[120],[145]. Trade unions were seen as particularly useful in endorsing economic arguments regarding employment (economic impacts frame) and in lobbying ministers, so BAT planned to approach international umbrella unions, including the ITGA, IUF [19], and UNITAB [120] to lobby on their behalf. While available documents do not provide evidence about the specific content of BAT's communication with IUF and UNITAB, all three organisations and the German Union of Food and Allied Workers (Gewerkschaft Nahrung-Genuss-Gaststätten) subsequently voiced concerns about the FCTC either at the international level [155] or domestically [113],[155],[156].

BAT used the ITGA particularly intensively in its lobbying efforts to undermine the FCTC. In a 1999 document, Shabanji Opukah (then BAT Head of International Development Issues) explained how he envisaged the relationship between BAT and the ITGA functioning:

“[T]hey are supposed to be working for us at extreme arms length […] It is in cases like this that this whole ITGA relationship should be leveraged for our business advantage and I always aim at doing that and also ensuring that we are in the ITGA's driver's seat” [157].

It was hoped that the ITGA would use discussions and publications about the economic impact of the FCTC for “lobbying goverments [sic] and allies and briefing media on the role of tobacco in the economy” [158] and that it would persuade member states to request an economic impact assessment of the proposed FCTC, thereby delaying the treaty [159] (for a detailed assessment of how and why TTCs believed impact assessments would benefit their interests, see Smith et al. [80],[81]). The ITGA subsequently recruited scientists, think-tanks [158], and UNITAB [160] in support of such efforts and targeted the UN Economic and Social Council [37] and national government and UN representatives in Geneva [39],[114]. The ITGA also commissioned a hostile review of the World Bank's work on tobacco control [17],[161].

International agencies: Several international organisations and UN agencies were identified as potential allies, including the UN Economic and Social Council [120],[162], the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) [120],[163], the World Customs Organisation [163], the International Labour Organisation [120], the Intellectual Property Organisation [120], the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) [107],[120], and the WTO [120]. UNCTAD was perceived to be potentially “influential in delivering arguments and messages […] on trade matters” to ministers of employment, agriculture, and trade and to tobacco workers (i.e., in advancing economic impacts and trade frames) [120]. The ITGA also explored the potential scope for cooperating with the FAO on “academic studies” [139]. Although available documents do not reveal whether such collaboration occurred, both the ITGA [162] and BAT [164] made reference to a subsequent FAO economic impact study which helped BAT draw attention to the economic importance of tobacco production and consumption [164].

Another ally was the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) [165],[166], a worldwide umbrella organisation for national bodies promoting standardisation to facilitate trade [167]. The ISO, represented by a former employee of Imperial Tobacco, attended INB negotiations and was perceived as a valuable source of information and access for tobacco companies [12].

Available evidence suggests that TTCs' efforts to generate concerns among these agencies may have met with some success. For example, documents claim that WHO “met with major resistance, particularly by the tobacco growing countries” when presenting the framework convention proposal to the UN Economic and Social Council in July 1999 [168]. A meeting was subsequently arranged between WHO, WTO, FAO, and UNCTAD to discuss these matters and WHO was asked to consider the economic consequences of a convention [168]. A BAT account of the first session of the INB reported that several UN agencies had voiced concerns about the WHO convention, with the FAO appearing “particularly annoyed” [169].

(4) Using stakeholder consultation to secure industry participation and delay decisions.

Ensuring that their concerns were voiced in FCTC discussions and negotiations both enabled the TTCs to address stakeholders and decision-makers and was perceived as a tactic that could delay the FCTC [170]. From the outset, BAT was concerned about the “pace with which the WHO process is moving” [110] and engaged PM, RJ Reynolds, Japan Tobacco, and the VdC in discussions about how to slow it down [110],[171]. Delaying the process was seen as beneficial because it would provide time to promote arguments against the FCTC and allow “governments […] to consider its implications on jobs and money at a time when both are under pressure” [159]. Requesting an impact assessment of the proposals [159], further consultation [161],[172] and additional evidence [162],[173],[174],[175] were all means of delaying the FCTC process [26],[102]. In addition, specific FCTC delegations were encouraged to call for more time [170]. While documents provide no evidence that these tactics were particularly successful, prior to the second meeting of the FCTC working group in March 2000, BAT reported that some governments believed the FCTC process was moving too fast (e.g., Greece and Turkey), some felt insufficient time had been allowed for consultation (e.g., the US), and some merely favoured more time to consider the WHO proposals (e.g., Japan and Russia) [176].

(5) Using the media.

Previous research has highlighted how TTCs have successfully used journalists and media outlets to advance their political interests at a national level [177],[178],[179],[180]. Early on in the FCTC process PM noted that “[c]ultivating allies […] in the media is a crucial part of protecting our business” [181], and media channels were subsequently exploited in disseminating several key arguments [49],[138],[158],[182]. BAT targeted media outlets perceived to be supportive of free trade [70], including the Wall Street Journal Europe, where editors gave Broughton the opportunity to write an op-ed during the FCTC public hearings [183]. The Wall Street Journal also published an article by ESEF's Lorraine Mooney [184],[185], focusing on “WHO's misplaced priorities” [186], which drew heavily on the developing countries frame. Mooney [186] lambasted WHO for extending its remit to “lifestyle” rather than concentrating on “real” health issues. A 2004 Daily Telegraph article by Bate similarly claimed that WHO's focus on tobacco and obesity signalled that the organisation was “pandering to the desires of its western (especially European) donors, rather than attending to the malnourished millions of Africa and Asia” and suggested that WHO “had lost sight of its mission to save the poorest from easily preventable and cheaply curable diseases” [187].

Discussion

This paper provides the first comprehensive analysis of TTC tactics to undermine the development of the FCTC. The findings illustrate the variety and complexity of tobacco industry efforts to undermine the FCTC and demonstrate the extent to which TTCs are able to combine and coordinate these approaches on an international stage. In total, our documentary data enabled us to identify eight frames developed by TTCs to advance arguments against the treaty (section A, Results) and five tactics to counter it (section B, Results), which included diverse efforts to effectively disseminate the frames. While all but one frame and one tactic identified in our documentary analysis has been identified in previously published literature concerning the FCTC, our paper provides additional evidence of the extent to which these frames were employed in and adapted to the specific context of the FCTC negotiations and formed part of a collaborative industry strategy to undermine global health governance.

Our comprehensive literature review identified a further six frames and five tactics that were employed by the tobacco industry in their efforts to influence the FCTC. The 14 frames and ten tactics identified in the documents do not consistently match the frames and tactics identified in the literature review which might reflect the primarily national focus of previous analyses of the negotiations. National case studies may be more likely to identify frames which were geared to circumvent the consequences of the FCTC at country level, like the flexibility or education frame, or which had proven to be particularly successful in the respective national context, like the personal freedoms frame. By contrast, the frames identified through our documentary analysis focused more on the global context of the FCTC negotiations, and hence on industry concerns regarding the distinctive scope of this initiative. Such concerns are reflected in attacks on the FCTC's implications for global health and development (as in highlighting claimed threats to producer countries and in describing tobacco control as an issue primarily concerning developed countries) and in depicting the FCTC as an illegitimate expansion of regulatory scope (by allegedly compromising trade agreements, impinging on “good governance” and national sovereignty, exceeding WHO's mandate, and setting an unwelcome precedent). One tactic identified in our literature review for which it is surprising that we did not find further evidence in our documentary analysis is that of TTCs' efforts to counter nongovernmental organisations supporting the development of the FCTC. This may reflect specific ways in which frames were defined during the documentary analysis, but also suggests the difficulties of conducting comprehensive searches in the tobacco industry archives and points to the limitations inherent in tobacco document analysis, particularly given the comparatively restricted availability of documents for this period [188].

All of the frames and tactics we identify as having been used in an FCTC context have roots in strategies previously deployed by TTCs. A review of tobacco industry interference with tobacco control published by WHO in 2008 [43] outlines TTCs' strategies to try to prevent, weaken, and otherwise undermine tobacco control policy. Our findings suggest that in the FCTC context, TTCs focused particularly on trying to prevent what they perceived to be the globalisation of tobacco control. Frames depicting international tobacco control policy as infringing on sovereignty, breaching principles of good governance, a high-income country concern, and exceeding WHO's mandate were identified as particularly suitable for attacking the emerging FCTC. These frames appear as adaptations of those that TTCs had previously used in national and regional contexts (e.g., in debates about EU governance [81] and about the European Commission's competence in tobacco control [12],[189],[190]) and that were now applied to this distinctive emerging global challenge. In contrast, a number of tactics which TTCs employed in other tobacco control contexts (e.g., litigation [43],[178],[189],[190],[191],[192],[193] and political funding [43],[131],[191],[192],[194],[195],[196],[197]), could not be identified as having been used against the FCTC. This might reflect a perception within the industry that some strategies are less suited to a global context. The context-specific adaptation and application of frames reflect the particular opportunities which arise for (re-)framing an issue when policymaking shifts to another venue, i.e., to another institution or level of decision-making [198] and suggests that TTCs can be expected to continue to employ and finesse the same strategies to influence policy across national and international levels.

Considering the success which TTCs enjoyed in framing political and public debates [9] and employing such tactics to counter tobacco control policy at a national level [43], it is perhaps unsurprising that previously used frames and tactics informed TTCs' argumentation in the global governance context of the FCTC. The principal contribution of this paper to the broader literature on tobacco industry efforts to undermine policy lies in its demonstration of how the industry was able to draw on experiences, contacts, frames, and strategies across multiple jurisdictions to develop and deploy a multi-pronged strategy at a global level. The comprehensiveness and scale of the tobacco industry's response to the FCTC suggests that it is reasonable to speak of a “globalisation of tobacco industry strategy” in combating the development of effective tobacco control policies. This highlights the importance of moving beyond national and local case studies of tobacco industry influence to develop a greater understanding of the regional and global dynamics of TTC operations.

The analysis of the TTCs' fight to prevent, then undermine and weaken the FCTC can further serve as a case study for research into how corporate tactics can be employed on a global scale to undermine the development of international initiatives. These findings can inform subsequent efforts to develop tobacco control strategies (including via the implementation of the FCTC). Arguably, however, their greater value lies in their broader relevance to the challenges of developing innovative, international approaches to combat the global burden of NCDs, including via proposals to extend the FCTC governance model to other NCDs. The four leading NCDs (cardiovascular diseases, cancers, chronic respiratory diseases, and diabetes) account for an estimated 60% of all deaths globally and, in contrast to the picture painted by TTCs, 80% of this burden occurs in low- and middle-income countries [199]. These burdens can be viewed as “industrial epidemics” [200], driven by commercial interests and activities (e.g., of food, alcohol, and tobacco corporations), which require new policy approaches to regulating health impacts of the commercial sector [201],[202].

The broader difficulties confronting WHO and other agencies in responding to the escalating global burden of NCDs and the global expansion of the related commercial interests have long been evident; epitomised, for example, by the efforts of the US sugar industry to undermine the Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health [203],[204], a comparatively modest initiative [205]. Such difficulties were reiterated in September 2011 at the UN High Level Meeting on NCDs, which stimulated expressions of widespread concern about the influence and impacts of the food and alcohol industries [206],[207]. These concerns underline the importance of finding appropriate approaches for governing interactions between policymakers and the commercial sector, and overcoming any political obstacles to achieving policy coherence between trade and health objectives [208].

Although the arguments and frames analysed above may often be dismissed as spurious or cynical when known to originate with the tobacco industry and considered in the context of public health evidence, they may nevertheless resonate with, and be advanced by, actors with greater credibility, legitimacy, and influence within policy debates. TTCs' assertions that WHO should focus on infectious diseases in developing countries, for example, have much in common with pressures periodically placed on WHO by leading states including the US and UK [209],[210]. The success of the FCTC initiative [211] strongly attests to the importance of protecting (and enhancing) WHO's scope to address NCDs and to develop binding legal instruments [212]. While TTCs' arguments may not have substantially undermined the FCTC, similar arguments may have greater leverage in future debates around strategies to combat NCDs, particularly when advanced by and on behalf of more credible actors.

Research already documents significant similarities between the tobacco industry and a variety of other industries, including alcohol [213],[214], food [214],[215], oil [216],[217], chemical [216],[217],[218], and pharmaceuticals [216],[218], which further underlines the potential relevance of the findings in this paper for issues beyond tobacco control. This is particularly true of alcohol, where the prospect of a Framework Convention on Alcohol Control is increasingly being discussed by public health academics [5],[219]. The findings could be used to help identify cross-industry counter arguments and dissemination techniques, including any instances of the same third parties, scientists, and media outlets being employed. Indeed, although TTCs do not seem to have been particularly successful in persuading other sectors that the FCTC was likely to set a precedent for other areas (i.e. in advancing the precedent frame), this could change as interest develops in the applicability of the FCTC model for other areas. Given that transnational corporations appear to be well placed to jointly develop counterattacks on proposals relating to global health governance, those who aim to develop comprehensive, international solutions to these health problems need to be aware of knowledge transfer and cross-sectoral collaboration. The lukewarm response to the recent declaration of the UN High Level Meeting [220],[221] attests to the importance of such approaches, illustrating the scale of political obstacles involved in combating commercial interests beyond the tobacco industry. This is starkly evident in the disparity between the declaration's strong focus on supporting FCTC implementation and the modest voluntary strategies envisaged for NCD regulation more broadly [222].

Supporting Information

Attachment 1


Zdroje

1. BrownTMCuetoMFeeE 2006 The World Health Organization and the Transition from International to Global Public Health. Am J Public Health 96 62 72

2. DingwerthKPattbergP 2006 Global governance as a perspective on world politics. Global Governance 12 185 203

3. CollinJ 2012 Tobacco control, global health policy and development: Towards policy coherence in global governance. Tob Control 21: 274–280. doi:10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2011-050418.

4. LeGresleyEM 1999 A “Vector Analysis” of the Tobacco Epidemic. Bulletin of the Medicus Mundi Switzerland 72

5. BaumbergB 2010 World trade law and a framework convention on alcohol control. J Epidemiol Community Health 64 473

6. YachDHawkesCEpping-JordanJEGalbraithS 2003 The World Health Organization's Framework Convention on Tobacco Control: Implications for Global Epidemics of Food-Related Deaths and Disease. J Public Health Policy 24 274 290

7. AbbottKW 2009 An International Framework Agreement on Scientific and Technological Innovation and Regulation http://www.springerlink.com/content/l437177x55447m48/. Accessed on 10 February 2012

8. World Bank 2011 Chronic Emergency: Why NCDs Matter Washington Health, Nutrition, and Population Family of the World Bank's Human Development Network

9. GrüningTStrunckCGilmoreA 2008 Puffing away? Explaining the Politics of Tobacco Control in Germany. German Politics 17 140 164

10. ForsterN 1994 The Analysis of Company Documentation. CassellCSymonG Qualitative Methods in Organizational Research - A practical guide London Sage Publications 147 166

11. GilmoreA 2005 Tobacco and transition: understanding the impact of transition on tobacco use and control in the Former Soviet Union London University of London

12. GrüningTWeishaarHCollinJGilmoreA 2011 Tobacco industry attempts to influence and use the German government to undermine the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Tob Control doi:10.1136/tc.2010.042093

13. AssuntaMChapmanS 2006 Health treaty dilution: a case study of Japan's influence on the language of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. J Epidemiol Community Health 60 751 756

14. MejiaRSchojbVBarnoyacJFloresdMLPerez-StableeEJ 2008 Tobacco industry strategies to obstruct the FCTC in Argentina. CVD Prevention and Control 3 173 179

15. MamuduHMHammondRGlantzSA 2008 Project Cerberus: Tobacco Industry Strategy to create an alternative to the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Am J Public Health 9 1 13

16. CarterSM 2002 Mongoven, Biscoe & Duchin: destroying tobacco control activism from the inside. Tob Control 11 112 118

17. MamuduHMHammondRGlantzSA 2008 Tobacco Industry attempts to counter the World Bank Report “Curbing the Epidemic” and obstruct the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Social Science and Medicine 67 1690 1699

18. MamuduHMStudlarDT 2009 Multilevel Governance and Shared Sovereignty: European Union, Member States, and the FCTC. Governance 22 73 97

19. Anonymous 1999 British American Tobacco Proposed WHO Tobacco Free Initiative Strategy. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/imk60a99

20. Anonymous 2000 WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) and Its Implications. Jan. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/mna82c00

21. GreenbergDIKeaneDF 1998 Request for Assistance on WHO Action. 24 April. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/krt83c00

22. MorrisPhilip 1998 New Developments at WHO of Significance to Tobacco a Report on the 101st Session of the Executive Board Geneva 980119–980128. 28 Jan. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/lnx93c00

23. MillsonS 2000 WHO Tobacco Free Initiative. 14 Jul. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wpl55a99

24. DawnayI 1999 The WHO Convention on Tobacco Control a Briefing Document. 17 Dec. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tbm55a99

25. ProctorC 2000 A ‘Tobacco Free World’ - or Real Progress for the Real World: Statement from Christopher Procter to the World Health Organisation Public Hearing. Oct. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/plw70a99

26. Anonymous 1999 Planning Meeting - Notes and Action Steps 990825–990826. 26 August. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/jmm86c00

27. Anonymous 2000 Briefing on developments at the World Health Assembly. March. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/phl85c00

28. British American Tobacco 2009 British American Tobacco. About us. http://www.bat.com/group/sites/uk__3mnfen.nsf/vwPagesWebLive/DO52AD6H?opendocument&SKN=1 [Accessed on 15 July 2009]

29. FisherB 2001 The Power of Regionalism. Tobacco Reporter. June

30. BenfordRDSnowDA 2000 Framing processes and social movements: an overview and assessment. Annu Rev Sociol 26 611 639

31. ScheufeleDATewksburyD 2007 Framing, Agenda Setting, and Priming: The Evolution of Three Media Effects Models. J Commun 57 9 20

32. WeissJA 1989 The powers of problem definition: the case of government paper-work. Policy Sci 22 97 121

33. RikerWH 1986 The Art of Political Manipulation New Haven, CT Yale University Press

34. SchattenschneiderEE 1960 The Semisovereign People: A Realist's View of Democracy in America Englewood Cliffs, NJ Prentice Hall

35. World Bank 1999 Curbing the Epidemic. Governments and the Economics of Tobacco Control Washington World Bank

36. OtañezMGMamuduHMGlantzSA 2009 Tobacco Companies' Use of Developing Countries' Economic Reliance on Tobacco to Lobby Against Global Tobacco Control: The Case of Malawi. Am J Public Health 99 175 1771

37. AbrunhosaA 1999 Convention Anti-Tobacco. 18 Jun. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/oyy23a99

38. Anonymous 2000 [Draft letter to finance minister]. Jan. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/zql55a99

39. AbrunhosaA 2000 Framework Convention on Tobacco Control after the Working Group Meeting of March, 27–29. 3 April. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/iyy23a99

40. MustE 2001 International Tobacco Growers' Association (ITGA). ITGA uncovered: Unravelling the spin – the truth behind the claims. http://www.healthbridge.ca/assets/images/pdf/Tobacco/Publications/itgabr.pdf [Accessed on 11 August 2010]

41. YachDBettcherD 2000 Globalisation of tobacco industry influence and new global responses. Tob Control 9 206 216

42. OtanezMGMamuduHMGlantzS 2007 Global leaf companies control the tobacco market in Malawi. Tob Control 16 261 269

43. World Health Organization 2008 Tobacco Industry Interference with Tobacco Control. http://www.who.int/tobacco/resources/publications/tob_ind_int_cover_150/en/index.html. Accessed 5 May 2009

44. International Tobacco Growers Association 2012 Supporter Members. http://www.tobaccoleaf.org/conteudos/default.asp?ID=13&IDP=3&P=3. Accessed 3 April 2012

45. Anonymous 1999 Tobacco Growers Leaders Meet WHO in Geneva. 2 Mar. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/fxl44a99

46. Anonymous 1999 WHO's Tobacco Free Initiative: 33 Million of Growers Claim for an Evaluation. 12 April. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/cxh06c00

47. BrownK 2000 WHO Update 13 Apr. RJ Reynolds. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/xcj25a00

48. Anonymous 2000 Comments of British-American Tobacco Plc on the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Oct. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/gro14a99

49. Anonymous Proposed WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. undated. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/btx92a99

50. World Health Organization 2008 WHO Report on the global tobacco epidemic. The MPOWER package Geneva World Health Organization

51. BateR 1996 It Was a Pleasure to Meet You in Geneva Recently. 7 Aug. RJ Reynolds. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/sih30d00

52. BateR 1998 [Letter from Roger Bate to Matthew Winokur]. 28 Sep. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vvp83c00

53. BateR 1998 [Letter from Roger Bate to David Greenberg]. 4 Sep. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/zvp83c00

54. Anonymous ESEF Work for Coming Months Undated British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/kkj82a99

55. SearsSB 1996 Low Dose Epidemiology ESEF Proposal. 7 Aug. RJ Reynolds. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vov90d00

56. BateR 1998 International Public Health Strategy. Sept. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/xvp83c00

57. RobertsJ 1998 Bate. 21 Oct. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/svp83c00

58. MooneyLBateR 1999 Environmental Health: Third World Problems - First World Preoccupations Atlanta Elsevier

59. EdisonJS 2000 Letter to the Editor of the Financial Times Re: WHO. 00/10/25. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vek47c00

60. BroughtonM 1999 Martin Broughton's Remarks to World Economic Forum. 1 Feb. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/hdm55a99

61. Anonymous 1999 Presseerklärung des Verbandes der Cigarettenindustrie. 25 May. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/irl44a99

62. CollinJLeeK 2008 Globalization and the Politics of Health Governance: The Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. CooperAKirtonJ Innovation in Global Health Governance Critical Cases Avebury Press

63. BettcherDShapiroIS 2001 Tobacco control in an era of trade liberalisation. Tob Control 10 65 67

64. CallardCChitanondhHWeissmanR 2001 Why trade and investment liberalisation may threaten effective tobacco control efforts. Tob Control 10 68 70

65. EckhardtJ 2001 Balancing interest in free trade and health: how the WHO's Framework Convention on Tobacco Control can withstand WTO scrutiny. Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law 12 197 229

66. World Health Organization, World Trade Organization 2002 WTO Agreements & Public Health. A joint study by the WHO and the WTO Secretariat Geneva World Health Organization, World Trade Organization

67. CooperDS 2000 Letter from Doral S Cooper to Andreas Vecchiet regarding C&M International. 11 Jan. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ljk23a99

68. RuppJP 1999 Transaction document regarding the proposal considered by World Health Organisation. 6 Jul. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/puv61a99

69. WinokurMN 1999 Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. 4 Aug. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wut52c00

70. ShearsN 1999 Meeting on Monday. 22 Jun. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bvy23a99

71. FerrisR 1999 Draft Proposal from Philip Morris Outside Counsel to Philip Morris in-House Counsel, Philip Morris Employee and Philip Morris Executive Discussing Potential International Trade Law Issues Arising from Who Tobacco Convention. 13 Aug. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/xyh42a00

72. British American Tobacco 2000 News release: British American Tobacco proposes “quantum leap” for sensible tobacco regulation. 29 Aug. http://www.bat.com/group/sites/uk__3mnfen.nsf/vwPagesWebLive/DO726KYJ/FILE/medMD726LA4.pdf?openelement

73. Anonymous 2000 World Health Organisation ‘Flawed’. Move Poses Risks to Governments' Rights. Mar. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/frl55a99

74. Anonymous 2001 Beschränkungen des Handels mit Tabakwaren. Feb. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/zkw70a99

75. Anonymous 2000 Legal Analysis of the Proposed Framework Convention. 7 Aug. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/uvc65a99

76. BourgoisH 1999 SEITA Legal Analysis on WHO Initiative. 16 Jun. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/avv61a99

77. LagoniR 2000 Das Projekt Einer Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (part I). 6 Jan. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/rti61a99

78. Anonymous 1999 Policy Implication of the Framework Convention on Tobacco being Developed by the World Health Organization. 22 Nov. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tlm93a99

79. MillsonS 2000 WHO Tobacco Free Initiative. 14 Jul. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tov70a99

80. SmithKEFooksGCollinJWeishaarHGilmoreAB 2010 Is the increasing policy use of Impact Assessment in Europe likely to undermine efforts to achieve healthy public policy? J Epidemiol Community Health 64 478 487

81. SmithKEFooksGCollinJWeishaarHMandalS 2010 “Working the System”—British American Tobacco's Influence on the European Union Treaty and Its Implications for Policy: An Analysis of Internal Tobacco Industry Documents. PLoS Medicine 7 e1000202 doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1000202

82. BroughtonMF 1999 Letter from Martin F Broughton to Gro Harlem Brundtland regarding session entitled ‘preserving freedom of choice while protecting public health’. 9 Feb. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tnz34a99

83. HarrisDS 2000 [Letter by Harris to Loftus]. 29 Feb. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/mgp37c00

84. Anonymous 1999 British American Tobacco First Quarter Results 1999. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/xyz43a99

85. RoperS 1999 Note from Simon Roper to John Rupp regarding WHO international framework convention. 14 May. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/icj63a99

86. Anonymous 1999 Questionnaire on WHO convention proposal. 10 June. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/iio53a99

87. Anonymous 2000 World Health Organization - Tobacco Free Initiative - Internal Communications Presentation. March. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/pqh45a99

88. YangJSMaloneRE 2008 “Working to shape what society's expectations of us should be”: Philip Morris's societal alignment strategy. Tob Control 17 391 398

89. FooksGGilmoreASmithKCollinJHoldenC 2011 Corporate Social Responsibility and Access to Policy Élites: An Analysis of Tobacco Industry Documents. PLoS Med 8 8 e1001076 doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1001076

90. FooksGGilmoreACollinJHoldenCLeeK 2012 The Limits of Corporate Social Responsibility: Techniques of Neutralization, Stakeholder Management and Political CSR. Journal of Business Ethics doi:10.1007/s10551-012-1250-5

91. OpukahS 1999 ITGA. 1 Jun. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/pas03a99

92. HendrysP 2000 The Framework Convention on Tobacco. 29 Jun. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/yzn10c00

93. Anonymous 2000 London Wrap-up Project: Cerberus Friday Workplan and Takeaway Materials. 14 Jan. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/hgx32c00

94. OpukahS 1999 All - Africa Conference Eliminating Child Labour: Best Practice in Action in Tobacco Farming. 17 Mar. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/cur03a99

95. OpukahS 2000 Partnership on Eliminating Child Labour in Tobacco Growing: Progress Report and Next Steps for Action. 9 Nov. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bca14a99

96. OtañezMGMuggliMEHurtRDGlantzSA 2006 Eliminating child labour in Malawi: a British American Tobacco corporate responsibility project to sidestep tobacco labour exploitation. Tob Control 15 224 230

97. BerlindM 1997 WHO, the Proposed Resolution, and GB. 3 Sept. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/rqt83c00

98. Anonymous 2000 Philip Morris' Written Submission WHO. 30 Aug. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vzl10c00

99. Anonymous 2000 Philip Morris International and Philip Morris USA Discuss WHO's Proposed Frame Work Convention: An Opportunity to Make Progress in Several Important Areas of Tobacco. 13 Oct. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/gbx14a99

100. BroughtonM 2001 Note from Martin Broughton to Maria Livanos Cattaui regarding activities and role of ICC. 9 Apr. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tgc53a99

101. ShearsN 2001 Meeting with Maria Cattaui ICC International: 2 April 2001. 30 Mar. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/fgc53a99

102. Anonymous 1999 British-American Tobacco First Quarter Results 1999 Index. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tam93a99

103. RuttleyP 2000 Proposed International Health Policy Conference. 22 Feb. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/aiu63a99

104. RuttleyP 2000 Consumers, Health Policy and Globalisation Conference 22 February. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/gii23a99

105. EvansRLeighDMaguireK 27 Oct 2004 Tobacco Firm gained secret access to Blair. The Guardian. http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2004/oct/27/freedomofinformation.politics. Accessed 28 May 2012

106. PorterGBrownJWChasekPS 2000 Actors in the Environmental Arena. PorterGBrownJWChasekPS Global Environmental Politics Oxford Westview Press 35 78

107. Mongoven Biscoe & Duchin 1997 An Analysis of the International Framework Convention Process. Aug. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/soq37c00

108. MillsonS 1999 WHO Tobacco Free Initiative. 11 Oct. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/zkm93a99

109. MillsonS 1999 WHO Tobacco Free Initiative - Strategy Meeting. 21 Jun. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/hvv61a99

110. VecchietA 1999 Note from Andreas to Adrain regarding report of 10th December inter-industry meeting. 12 Dec. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/dwg61a99

111. Anonymous undated Trade Partnership. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/qph45a99

112. MorrisPhilip 1998 Country Positions on the Proposed Framework Convention. 24 April. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/zlx93c00

113. Anonymous 2001 Answers to the Questionnaire - Germany. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wou63a99

114. MillsonS 2000 ITGA Lobbying. 8 Feb. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/lyy23a99

115. Anonymous 2000 Report on the Results of the WHO FCTC Meeting of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Body. Oct. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/yxj45a99

116. Anonymous 2000 WHO Cross - Functional Task Force Meeting. 21 Jun. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vig36c00

117. PhilippovS 2000 Russian Position on FCTC. 23 Mar. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/cxj34a99

118. LioutyiA 2000 CORA Strategy. 27 Nov. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/aew70a99

119. Anonymous 1999 Appendix 2 - Key Countries. 24 August. Brown & Williamson. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/zan11c00

120. Anonymous British-American Tobacco: Proposed WHO Tobacco Free Initiative Strategy. undated. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bxr53a99

121. VecchietA 2000 WHO FCTC: Update of Latest Developments and Action Required. 20 Dec. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/xmt44a99

122. CollinJ 2004 Tobacco Politics. Development 47 91 96

123. Framework Convention Alliance 2002 Alliance Bulletin. INB5, 17 October 2002. http://www.fctc.org/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=28&tmpl=component&format=raw&Itemid=21. Accessed 20 July 2009

124. Anonymous 1999 Note regarding CECCM meeting. 26 Oct. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/ffl44a99

125. ParmentierR 2003 Tobacco control: don't trade away public health. http://www.ictsd.org/pubs/external/tobacco.pdf. Accessed 20 May 2008

126. LioutyiA 2000 WHO-Tobacco Free Initiative: Cora Conference. 29 Jun. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/lsj55a99

127. Framework Convention Alliance 2003 Alliance Bulletin. INB6, 20 February 2003. http://www.fctc.org/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=38&tmpl=component&format=raw&Itemid=21. Accessed 20 July 2009

128. Anonymous 2000 [Draft letter to Justice Minister]. March. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/arl55a99

129. Anonymous 2000 [Draft letter to minister of trade]. March. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/yql55a99

130. GilmoreACollinJMcKeeM 2006 British American Tobacco's erosion of health legislation in Uzbekistan. BMJ 332 355 358

131. StillmanFAHoanMLintonRRitthiphakdeeBTrochimWMK 2008 Mapping tobacco industry strategies in South East Asia for action planning and surveillance. Tob Control 17 e1

132. SimpsonD 2004 FCTC: how will they keep pushing? Tob Control 13 216 217

133. SametJWipfliHPerez-PadillaRYachD 2006 Mexico and the tobacco industry: doing the wrong thing for the right reason? BMJ 332

134. British American Tobacco Key Efforts by British-American Tobacco CORA Departments on Tackling the WHO Tobacco Free Initiative. undated. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bnz34a99

135. World Health Organization Committee of Experts on Tobacco Industry Documents 2000 Tobacco Company Strategies to undermine tobacco control activities at the World Health Organization San Francisco University of California

136. GrüningTGilmoreAMcKeeM 2006 Tobacco Industry Influence on Science and Scientists in Germany. Health Policy Ethics 96 20 32

137. Anonymous 1999 Presentation on the WHO International Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. 12 Jan. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/llp83c00

138. Hallmark Public Relations Limited 1999 Additional Proposals for ITGA Public Relations Programme 1999. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/hur03a99

139. Anonymous 1999 International Tobacco Growers' Association Meeting: May 19, 1999. 19 May. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/aur03a99

140. Tobacco Documentation Centre 1998 Infotopics; Us National Tobacco Settlement Debates Continue; Germany Rejects Public Smoking Bill. 2 Feb. Brown & Williamson. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bgi02d00

141. Source Watch undated Roger Scruton. http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Roger_Scruton. Accessed 3 August 2009

142. WoolfMListerD 2002 Scruton likely to lose newspaper columnist job after exposure of financial link to tobacco firm. The Independent. London

143. SzymanczykMEHendrysPW 2000 Letter to Gro Harlem Brundtland regarding WHO's proposed framework convention on tobacco control. 30 Aug. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/blu63a99

144. Anonymous 2001 Answers to the Questionnaires Speaking Notes -Czech. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/rou63a99

145. Anonymous 2001 Answers to the Questionnaires Speaking Notes - Greece. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/sou63a99

146. Anonymous 2001 Questionnaire Speaking Notes Italy. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vou63a99

147. Anonymous 2000 Future Business Environment 2000. 8 May. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ylk93a99

148. HarrisDTurkT 2001 FCTC Update. 3 Aug. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tmc03c00

149. Anonymous 2000 Submission to WHO Concerning Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. 30 Aug. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/gcc53a99

150. Deutscher Duty Free Verband 2000 Submission to WHO concerning Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. http://www.who.int/tobacco/framework/public_hearings/F4050398.pdf. Accessed 8 July 2009

151. International Advertising Association 2000 IAA submission to the public hearing on the WHO's proposed Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). http://www.who.int/tobacco/framework/public_hearings/F4730466.pdf. Accessed 6 August 2009

152. Anonymous 2000 WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Aug. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/fkm55a99

153. Anonymous 2000 A Bit of History. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/dxk45a99

154. Advertising Council of Russia 2000 WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Position of Russian Advertising Council. http://www.who.int/tobacco/framework/public_hearings/russian_advertising_council_rac.pdf. Accessed 6 October 2011

155. Anonymous 2000 Smoking and Health Seminar - May 21–23, Beijing. 21 May. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/fti45a99

156. FisherA 1999 Note from Andrea Fisher to Franz-Josef Möllenberg. 14 Sept. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/qdl44a99

157. OpukahS 1999 WHO Tobacco Free Initiative. 25 Mar. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/ocj63a99

158. OpukahS 1999 ITGA Meeting. 20 May. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/vas03a99

159. MillsonS 1999 WHO Tobacco Initiative. 25 Mar. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/ncj63a99

160. Anonymous 1999 Tobacco Growers Call for W.H.O. Tobacco Free Initiative to Be Independently Evaluated. 13 April. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bxh06c00

161. WatsonT 2000 FCTC Meeting in Washington. 1 Mar. RJ Reynolds. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/otb96a00

162. MillsonS 2000 WHO Tobacco Free Initiative. 14 Jun. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/edo93a99

163. MillsonS 1999 Action Points from the WHO International Convention Meeting on Thursday 14 January. 14 Jan. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ucj63a99

164. British American Tobacco 2000 The WHO Framework Convention On Tobacco Control: Update July 2000. http://www.bat.com/group/sites/uk__3mnfen.nsf/vwPagesWebLive/DO726KYJ/FILE/medMD53MHGA.pdf?openelement. Accessed 8 July 2009

165. BohnsackU 2001 Bericht über Die 47. Sitzung Des Arbeitsausschusses “Tabak- Und Tabakrauchanalyse” Am 20010124 in Berlin. 31 Jan. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ugf90c00

166. MillsonS 1999 WHO and ISO. 99/10/11. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/azr44a99

167. BialousSAYachD 2001 Whose standard is it, anyway? How the tobacco industry determines the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) standards for tobacco and tobacco products. Tob Control 10 96 104

168. PaulingR 1999 WHO. 16 Sep. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ehl44a99

169. Anonymous 2000 WHO: Outcomes of First FCTC Intergovernmental Negotiating Body. 10 Nov. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/wyb53a99

170. BrownK 1999 Industry WHO meeting 1210. PMI, BAT, the German NMA, JTI met in New York Dec 10. 12 Dec. RJ Reynolds. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/pzm85a00

171. BielefeldtR 2000 WHO and CECCM's Role. 19 Jan. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/tyv70a99

172. Anonymous 2000 2000: Challenges for British American Tobacco. British American Tobacco. http://bat.library.ucsf.edu//tid/anj55a99

173. Anonymous 2000 Report regarding US report on “Smoking and Health” 13 Oct. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/bwc65a99

174. BrucknerE 2000 Opinion on the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) of the World Health Organisation. 30 Aug. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tmw70a99

175. MillsonS 1999 WHO Tobacco Free Initiative. 30 Nov. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/jdo93a99

176. Anonymous 2000 The Tobacco Free Initiative: A Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Jan. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/oii45a99

177. ChapmanSCarterSM 2003 “Avoid health warnings on all tobacco products for just as long as we can”: a history of Australian tobacco industry efforts to avoid, delay and dilute health warnings on cigarettes. Tob Control 12 13 22

178. TrotterLChapmanS 2003 “Conclusions about exposure to ETS and health that will be unhelpful to us”: How the tobacco industry attempted to delay and discredit the 1997 Australian National Health and Medical Research Council report on passive smoking. Tob Control 12 iii102 iii106

179. MuggliMEHurtRDBeckerLB 2004 Turning free speech into corporate speech: Philip Morris' efforts to influence U.S. and European journalists regarding the U.S. EPA report on secondhand smoke. Prev Med 39 568 580

180. MuggliMELeeKGanQEbbertJOHurtRD 2008 “Efforts to Reprioritise the Agenda” in China: British American Tobacco's Efforts to Influence Public Policy on Secondhand Smoke in China. PLoS Med 5 e251 doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.0050251

181. MorrisPhilip 1997 A New Approach for a New Millennium. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/fnl95c00

182. Anonymous 1999 The Modern Treaty - Making Process. 1 June. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/pku63c00

183. BroughtonM 2000 The WHO's Anti-Smoking Summit. 11 Oct. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ihu63a99

184. Source Watch 2009 European Science and Environment Forum. http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=European_Science_and_Environment_Forum. Accessed 15 July 2009]

185. Source Watch undated Lorraine Mooney. http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Lorraine_Mooney. Accessed 7 August 2009

186. MooneyL 1997 The WHO's Misplaced Priorities. 25 Aug. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/yvp83c00

187. BateR 2004 Personal view: The WHO must drop old-style politics and get back to saving children's lives. The Telegraph

188. Legacy Tobacco Documents Library 2012 About the Library. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/about/about_the_library.jspjsessionid=634660FE3DF6FA6C5AE6039B77A23545.tobacco03. Accessed 16 February 2012

189. NeumanMBittonAGlantzSA 2002 Tobacco industry strategies for influencing European Community tobacco advertising legislation. Lancet 359

190. MandalS 2006 Tobacco Industry Efforts to influence the 2001 European Union Tobacco Products Directive London London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine

191. SaloojeeYDagliE 2000 Tobacco industry tactics for resisting public policy on health. Bull World Health Org 78 902 910

192. TrochimWMKStillmanFAClarkPISchmittCL 2003 Development of a model of the tobacco industry's interference with tobacco control programmes. Tob Control 12 140 147

193. KyrissTPötschke-LangerMGrüningT 2008 Der Verband der Cigarettenindustrie - Verhinderung wirksamer Tabakkontrollpolitik in Deutschland. Gesundheitswesen 70 1 10

194. GivelMSGlantzSA 2001 Tobacco lobby political influence on US state legislatures in the 1990s. Tob Control 10 124 134

195. BalbachEDTraynorMPGlantzS 2000 The implementation of California's tobacco tax initiative: the critical role of outsider strategies in protecting Proposition 99. J Health Polit Policy Law 25 689 715

196. BegayMETraynorMPGlantzS 1993 The tobacco industry, state politics, and tobacco education in California. Am J Public Health 83 1214 1221

197. GivelMS 2006 Punctuated equilibrium in Limbo: the tobacco lobby and U.S. State Policymaking from 1990 to 2003. Policy Studies J 34 405 418

198. BaumgartnerFRJonesBD 1991 Agenda dynamics and political subsystems. J Polit 53 1044 1074

199. World Health Organization 2008 2008–2013 action plan for the global strategy for the prevention and control of noncommunicable diseases Geneva World Health Organization

200. JahielRIBaborTF 2007 Industrial epidemics, public health advocacy and the alcohol industry: lessons from other fields. Addiction 102 1335 1339

201. WiistWH 2006 Public health and the anticorporate movement: rationale and recommendations. Am J Public Health 96 1370 1375

202. WiistWH 2010 The Bottom Line or Public Health Oxford Oxford University Press

203. CannonG 2004 Why the Bush administration and the global sugar industry are determined to demolish the 2004 WHO global strategy on diet, physical activity and health. Public Health Nutrition 7 369 380

204. WaxmanA 2004 The WHO Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health: The controversy on sugar. Development 47 75 80

205. World Health Organization 2004 WHO Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health Geneva World Health Organization

206. CohenD 2011 Will industry influence derail UN summit? BMJ 343 d5328

207. StucklerDBasuSMcKeeM 2011 Commentary: UN high level meeting on non-communicable diseases: an opportunity for whom? BMJ 343 d5336

208. BlouinC 2007 Trade policy and health: from conflicting interests to policy coherence. Bull World Health Org 85 169 173

209. HortonR 2002 WHO's mandate: a damaging reinterpretation is taking place. Lancet 360 960 961

210. Peoples' Health Movement, Medact, Global Equity Gauge 2008 Global health watch 2: an alternative world health report London Zed Books

211. WipfliHHuangG 2011 Power of the process: Evaluating the impact of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control negotiations. Health Policy 100 107 115

212. ChanM 2011 The future of financing for WHO: reforms for a healthy future. Report by the Director General. A64/4. http://apps.who.int/gb/ebwha/pdf_files/WHA64/A64_4-en.pdf. Accessed 6 October 2011

213. BondLDaubeMChikritzhsT 2010 Selling addictions: Similarities in approaches between Big Tobacco and Big Booze. Australasian Med J 3 325 332

214. GilmoreASavellECollinJ 2011 Public health, corporations and the New Responsibility Deal: promoting partnerships with vectors of disease? J Public Health 33 2 4

215. BrownellKWarnerKE 2009 The Perils of Ignoring History: Big Tobacco Played Dirty and Millions Died. How Similar Is Big Food? Milbank Quarterly 87 259 294

216. McGarityT 2010 Bending Science: How Special Interests Corrupt Public Health Research Cambridge, MA Harvard University Press

217. OreskesNConwayEM 2010 Merchants of Doubt: How a Handful of Scientists Obscured the Truth on Issues from Tobacco Smoke to Global Warming New York Bloomsbury Press

218. MichaelsD 2008 Doubt is their Product: How Industry's Assault on Science Threatens Your Health Oxford Oxford University Press

219. PLoS Medicine Editors 2011 Let's Be Straight Up about the Alcohol Industry. PLoS Med 8 e1001041 doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1001041

220. CoombesR 2011 World leaders sign up to tackle causes of non-communicable diseases. BMJ 343 d6034

221. The Lancet Editors 2011 Two days in New York: reflections on the UN NCD summit. Lancet Oncol 12 981

222. UN General Assembly 2011 Political declaration of the High-level Meeting of the General Assembly on the Prevention and Control of Non-communicable Diseases. A/66/L.1. 16 September 2011. http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/66/L.1. Accessed 6 October 2011

223. ShearsN 1999 ICC UK. 99/11/24. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/xoc24a99

224. BateR 1999 Note from Richard Bate to Nicola Shears regarding tobacco companies. 99/11/19. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/agc53a99

225. ShearsN 1999 International Chamber of Commerce: UK Governing Body. 99/11/04. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/dgc53a99

226. ShearsN 2001 ICC. 01/03/26. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tfc53a99

227. Anonymous ICC. unknown. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/ufc53a99

228. ShearsN 2001 International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) UK Governing Body Meeting: 9th April 2001. 01/04/04. British American Tobacco. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/qfc53a99

229. BialousSA 2004 Brazil: growers' lobby stalls FCTC. Tob Control 13 323 324

230. MamuduHMGlantzSA 2009 Civil society and the negotiation of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Global Public Health 4 150 168

231. LeeKChagasLCNovotnyTE 2010 Brazil and the framework convention on tobacco control: global health diplomacy as soft power. PLoS Med 7 e1000232 doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1000232

232. BurchTWanderNCollinJ 2010 Uneasy money: the Instituto Carlos Slim de la Salud, tobacco philanthropy and conflict of interest in global health. Tob Control 19 e1 e9

233. MamuduHMHammondDGlantzS 2011 International trade versus public health during the FCTC negotiations, 1999–2003. Tob Control 20 3

234. MeierBM 2005 Breathing life into the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control: smoking cessation and the right to health. Yale Journal of Health Policy, Law, and Ethics 5 137 192

235. MontiniTGeorgeAMartin-MollardMBeroLA 2009 The role of public participation in public health initiatives: An analysis of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Global Public Health 5 48 61

236. GonzalezMGreenLWGlantzSA 2011 Through tobacco industry eyes: civil society and the FCTC process from Philip Morris and British American Tobacco's perspectives. Tobacco Control E-pub ahead of print 8 Jun 2011

237. WilkenfeldJP 2005 Saving the World from Big Tobacco: The real coalition of the willing. University of Pittsburgh: Ridgway Centre

238. AlbujaSDaynardRA 2008 The FCTC and the Adoption of Domestic Tobacco Control Policies: the Ecuadorian Experience. Tob Control 18 18 21

239. BlouinCDubéL 2010 Global health diplomacy for obesity prevention: Lessons from tobacco control. J Public Health Policy 31 244 255

240. Open Society Institute 2007 Taking On Goliath - Civil Society's Leadership Role in Tobacco Control. San Francisco: University of California. Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education

241. RoemerRTaylorALariviereJ 2005 Origins of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Am J Public Health 95 936 938

242. WhiteA 2004 Controlling Big Tobacco The Winning Campaign for a Global Tobacco Control Treaty. Multinational Monitor 25

243. CollinJLeeKBissellK 2002 The framework convention on tobacco control: the politics of global health governance. Third World Quarterly 23 265 282

244. SebrieEMBarnoyaJPerez-StableEJGlantzSA 2005 Tobacco industry successfully prevented tobacco control legislation in Argentina. Tob Control 14 e2

245. MamuduHMGonzalezMGlantzS 2011 The Nature, Scope, and Development of the Global Tobacco Control Epistemic Community. Am J Public Health 101 2044 2054

246. FarquharsonK 2003 Influencing Policy Transnationally: Pro- and Anti-Tobacco Global Advocacy Networks. Australian Journal of Public Administration 62 80 92

247. MacKayJ 2003 The making of a convention on tobacco control. Bul World Health Org 81 551

248. FreemanBChapmanS 2010 British American Tobacco on Facebook: undermining Article 13 of the global World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Tob Control 19 e1 9

249. MulcahyMEvansDSLahiffeBGogginDSmythC 2009 Environmental health organisations against tobacco. Int J Environ Res Public Health 6 1456 1471

250. SebrieEMBlancoAGlantzS 2010 Cigarette labeling policies in Latin America and the Caribbean: progress and obstacles. Salud Publica Mexico 52 S233 243

251. SebrieEMBarnoyaJPerez-StableEGlantzSA 2005 Tobacco Industry Dominating National Tobacco Policy Making in Argentina, 1966–2005. San Francisco: University of California. Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education

252. NakkashRLeeK 2009 The tobacco industry's thwarting of marketing restrictions and health warnings in Lebanon. Tob Control 18 310 316

Štítky
Interní lékařství

Článek vyšel v časopise

PLOS Medicine


2012 Číslo 6

Nejčtenější v tomto čísle

Tomuto tématu se dále věnují…


Kurzy

Zvyšte si kvalifikaci online z pohodlí domova

Léčba bolesti v ordinaci praktického lékaře
nový kurz
Autoři: MUDr. PhDr. Zdeňka Nováková, Ph.D.

Revmatoidní artritida: včas a k cíli
Autoři: MUDr. Heřman Mann

Jistoty a nástrahy antikoagulační léčby aneb kardiolog - neurolog - farmakolog - nefrolog - právník diskutují
Autoři: doc. MUDr. Štěpán Havránek, Ph.D., prof. MUDr. Roman Herzig, Ph.D., doc. MUDr. Karel Urbánek, Ph.D., prim. MUDr. Jan Vachek, MUDr. et Mgr. Jolana Těšínová, Ph.D.

Léčba akutní pooperační bolesti
Autoři: doc. MUDr. Jiří Málek, CSc.

Nové antipsychotikum kariprazin v léčbě schizofrenie
Autoři: prof. MUDr. Cyril Höschl, DrSc., FRCPsych.

Všechny kurzy
Kurzy Doporučená témata Časopisy
Přihlášení
Zapomenuté heslo

Nemáte účet?  Registrujte se

Zapomenuté heslo

Zadejte e-mailovou adresu se kterou jste vytvářel(a) účet, budou Vám na ni zaslány informace k nastavení nového hesla.

Přihlášení

Nemáte účet?  Registrujte se